
Loews
L'Enfant Plaza Hotel
480 L'Enfant Plaza, S.W.
Washington, D.C. 20024
January 18, 2002
COUNCIL MEMBERS
PRESENT:
Leon
R. Kass, M.D., Ph.D., Chairman
American Enterprise Institute
Elizabeth
H. Blackburn, Ph.D.
University of California, San Francisco
Stephen
L. Carter, J.D.
Yale Law School
Rebecca
S. Dresser, J.D.
Washington University School of Law
Daniel
W. Foster, M.D.
University of Texas, Southwestern Medical School
Francis
Fukuyama, Ph.D.
Johns Hopkins University
Michael S. Gazzaniga, Ph.D.
Dartmouth College
Robert
P. George, D.Phil., J.D.
Princeton University
Mary
Ann Glendon, J.D.,
L.L.M
Harvard University
William
B. Hurlbut, M.D.
Stanford University
Charles
Krauthammer, M.D.
Syndicated Columnist
William
F. May, Ph.D.
Southern Methodist University
Paul McHugh,
M.D.
Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine
Gilbert
C. Meilaender, Ph.D.
Valparaiso University
Janet
D. Rowley, M.D., D.Sc.
The University of Chicago
Michael J.
Sandel, D.Phil.
Harvard University
James
Q. Wilson, Ph.D.
University of California, Los Angeles
INDEX
Opening Remarks
Leon R. Kass, M.D., Chairman
Session
5: Human Cloning 2: Ethical Issues in Clonal Reproduction
Discussion of Clonal Working Paper
#3
Session 6: Human
Cloning 3: Policy Issues and Research Cloning
Discussion of Clonal Working Paper
#4
Session
7: Public Comments
Father Joseph Howard
Richard Doerflinger
Elisabeth Breese Brittin
Sean Tipton
Bill Saunders
Closing
Remarks
Leon R. Kass, M.D., Chairman
PROCEEDINGS
OPENING
REMARKS
LEON R. KASS, M.D., PH.D., CHAIRMAN
CHAIRMAN KASS:
The agenda for today is as announced in the briefing book. We will
have Sessions 5 and 6 of this meeting, both on human cloning. The
first, from now until about 10 o'clock, on the ethical issues, the
ethical issues in clonal reproduction, and then, after the break,
the policy issues in clonal reproduction and opening discussion
on research cloning. After the break, at noon, we will have a final
session for public comments, and I do not know-- Have people signed
up already? Anyone who would like to make a public comment should
please notify Diane Gianelli who is in the back of the room, our
communications director.
Yesterday we spent most of our time on questions related to how
to do bioethics in the hope that we could enrich the consideration
of these questions, beginning with a discussion of The Birth-mark,
exploring the aspiration to perfection and its problems and limits.
Then we went on to Gil Meilaender's paper which raised a series
of questions, talked about certain aspects of the character of human
life that are relevant to consideration of bioethical issues. And
then, in a somewhat loose and chaotic discussion, we tried to talk
about the context into which human cloning fits by having discussion
about the meaning of human procreation and what one might value
there.
I think had we followed Michael Sandel's original suggestion to
begin, really, with the objections to cloning, we might have gotten
farther in the search for what we positively affirm about this,
in the way in which one generally does not think about health until
one has to confront disease, and then one comes to think about what
it is that one is missing. But this morning's session, I think,
is the opportunity at least to do that head-on.
SESSION
5: HUMAN CLONING 2: ETHICAL ISSUES IN CLONAL REPRODUCTION
DISCUSSION OF CLONING
WORKING PAPER #3
CHAIRMAN KASS:
The first session this morning is on the ethical issues in clonal
reproduction, and the texts for discussion, though they are meant
really as a springboard for discussion, are Working
Paper 3 which is in two parts at your Tabs 2E and 2F.
And let me say something since there might be some misunderstanding
about the working papers. These working papers are not the official
work of this Council. They are not part of any report, or anticipation
of any report. They have been prepared by the staff at my direction
to try to outline as best one can the arguments both in favor, the
arguments in favor of human reproductive cloning, and the arguments
opposed to it.
Similarly, when we come to the discussion of the policy options,
there is an attempt to at least raise the kinds of questions that
either have been raised, or might be raised, about the various legislative
alternatives that are before us. And similarly, with respect to
the question of therapeutic cloning, or research cloning, which
we can only get into briefly today, to trigger some conversation.
No one is standing behind any or all of these arguments. Those arguments
have been prepared by searching the literature to see what people
have said about those matters, and they have put these arguments
before us in these several working papers. I remind people who have
picked up copies of the working papers that we ask that these be
treated as not for quotation or attribution, precisely because of
their status as working papers for the discussion by this body.
I trust that members have read the two parts of Working
Paper 3, the arguments for and against reproductive cloning.
I do not know that I want to summarize these, but we might turn
pages together. The structure of the first working paper, the arguments
for reproductive cloning, sets forth reasons that have been offered
by one or another advocate, summarized on page 3 and 4. Some of
these arguments have been to enhance human reproductive freedom,
and to provide treatments for infertility, and to avoid the risk
of known genetic disease, and the like. And other arguments have,
in fact, been made. Whether these are appropriate or not remains
to be discussed. For example, to allow people to replicate individuals
of great genius, et cetera, et cetera. Those arguments are made.
Whether the biology would support that or not is a long question.
Then there is in this paper arguments against a ban on reproductive
cloning, multiple arguments made, and the rest of the paper, the
structure of the rest of the paper beginning on page 6 to the end
really are arguments against the arguments against cloning. In other
words, they are an attempt to neutralize the arguments that are
made against human reproductive cloning in anticipation of the arguments
that are going to be made by the antagonists in the next part. We
have chosen to present these, by the way, as separate briefs rather
than as an ongoing dialectical discussion partly to sharpen the
focus to begin with.
In Working Paper 3b, the arguments
against reproductive cloning, there are eight separate kinds of
arguments here, questions having to do with safety, questions of
consent, especially the bizarre question of wondering about implied
consent to do the experiment on the child-to-be, or to have a child
become a cloned child. Then, questions about the relation between
reproductive cloning and the prospects for enhancement or quote
unquote "eugenics"; arguments about nature and respecting
the natural way; arguments about manufacture and commodification,
touching on things that we did discuss yesterday; arguments about
identity and individuality, also touching on things that were at
the heart of the discussion yesterday, including arguments having
to do with the child as a surprise; some discussion about family
relations and procreation.
And finally, if I may stress something which I think will be welcome
to at least some people who spoke yesterday, a last point generally
ignored in the discussions which usually focus on individual rights,
a discussion, arguments, about the impact on society, pointing out
that while the use of reproductive cloning might be a private choice,
it is a public act in some way. And the question is whether a society
that clones human beings is a different society, even if it is a
minority practice, just as the question could be raised whether
a society which permitted the buying and selling of babies, or the
buying and selling of organs, even if done on a small scale, would
be the same society. The question is whether this should be discussed
simply in terms of rights, or whether the larger social considerations
should enter.
That by way of warm up. I think that for this discussion, (and it
is obviously just the first of several such discussions we are going
to have), I think it would be best if we went around and asked people
to say how they respond to these various briefs, as if one were
a judge hearing this argument, and to indicate which of the arguments
one thinks are better or worse, and which ones seem just irrelevant.
With this, I will stop. I am mindful of comments by Michael Gazzaniga
and Paul McHugh yesterday, particularly, Paul, your remark about
reading The Birth-mark as a young man, and thinking that that reaction
was superior; and Michael Gazzaniga's remark almost saying that,
look, this is a repellent idea. What is there to discuss? And there
is a question whether or not these arguments are adequate to the
task, but we are a public body, and we are, I think, compelled to
try to give reasoned arguments for whatever judgments we might reach,
though it might very well be that the analytical discussion does
not support the conclusion that one intuitively might reach. But
that is a risk one takes, and I think we should just proceed.
So, consider yourself presented with these briefs, and let's hear
what the reaction is. Is anybody persuaded by anything in here one
way or the other?
DR. ROWLEY:
In 3a, I think it is important to, on page 5, to separate
out what we are discussing in terms of reproductive cloning,
and things like artificial insemination, and IVF, because
I think they are different. And the reproductive cloning,
as we are discussing, or as it is generally referred to, is
taking the intact nucleus of an individual, and that is then
the nucleus that becomes the genetic material of the resulting
embryo, whereas both artificial insemination and IVF have
two partners, male and female, sperm and egg, that are joined
together. So, the individual formed from the union of the
sperm and the egg is a totally different and unique individual,
and I think it is very important to make sure that we do not
appear to confuse these.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
No, that is very welcome. I do not want to cut you off. You are
going on to other things?
On this particular point, I think certainly in the public discussion
of this, people-- Part of the reaction to the arguments that we
should ban reproductive cloning is that this would, in fact, have
a chilling effect on other assisted reproductive technologies, and
that in fact, in the Congressional testimony, various members of
Congress wanted reassurance on this question, and some of them were
not even satisfied that if you move against reproductive cloning
you are not also threatening these other things. But I think it
is easy to make the distinction. I think the distinction can be
clarified, and it is one of our tasks. But this is an argument that
has been advanced, and yesterday's discussion, in fact, between
Jim Wilson and Gil raised the question of whether the argument that
is being used here does not also apply retroactively to that, and
that does at least mean that we have to be mindful of the relation,
and the need to make these careful distinctions, lest we do too
much.
PROF. SANDEL:
This is really just a question in response to-- Do we take it for
granted that having a chilling effect on other reproductive technologies
would be a bad thing? I think listening to some of the arguments
that were made yesterday against cloning, at least some views around
the table would not take it for granted that having a chilling effect
would be a bad thing on these other--on IVF and so on. So that,
at least, should be open as we explore the grounds, and it may affect
which grounds we most want to emphasize.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Very good. Point well taken. Rebecca, please.
PROF. DRESSER:
I understand you would like us to focus on ethical issues right
now, and save policy for later?
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Yes, I think we should make a separation on this. And the plan really
is, this is the first explicit discussion on the arguments pro and
con reproductive cloning, and then, in the second session, we will
take up the policy options constrained-- I mean, there are lots
of policy options, but we have constrained ourselves because the
policy options now under consideration which we ought not to neglect
are these three legislative alternatives, do nothing, partial ban,
complete ban. So, let's confine our discussion here to the arguments
in Working Paper 3a and b.
PROF. DRESSER:
Okay. Well, I would like to request that a little more attention
be given to the human research ethics considerations. It is briefly
mentioned, safety issues, but I think a richer exploration of what
we in bioethics are familiar with, the Belmont Report. There are
these basic principles governing research on human subjects, and
I have a lot of concerns about the ethics of studying this in humans.
Respect for persons is one of these principles, and that requires
that we protect people who are incapable of making their own decisions.
And even if you are someone who says that the embryo does not merit
protection, if you are getting into the situation where you are
talking about a child to be born, the intent is to have a child
through this procedure, you know, there are real questions about
what kinds of animal evidence do we need to justify this, would
it ever be sufficient.
Also, respect for persons means respecting the autonomous choices
of people who can make their own decisions. This requires accurate
disclosure to, say, prospective parents who might want to try to
use this technology. I believe there has been a lot of exaggeration
about the possible success, and I believe there are distorted beliefs
about how well this would work. And so, I have those concerns.
And then, beneficence is another principle which says risks to the
human subject must be justified by benefits, either to the subject,
or to society in general. And so, I think here is where we can talk
about the value of the benefits that would flow from this.
And then, the other primary principle is justice, and here we want
to talk about how would the benefits from this technology be distributed.
And I guess I would also raise concerns about allocation. As I mentioned
yesterday, I am concerned about allocation of scarce resources for
scientific research as well as health care. Is this really something,
given the many other priorities we have in scientific research as
well as health care, is this something we ought to invest a lot
of resources and scientific energy in. So, those are things I think
are not addressed in detail here that I find important and would
like to have considered.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Let me interrupt with a procedural point. I will, unless instructed
otherwise, take these comments as the basis of an invitation to
members of Council to go home and submit to-- We have the notes,
but if you would like to elaborate on that, anyone would like to,
it would greatly enhance the drafting of the next materials for
our discussions. So, if you would like to get us some materials
on that, that would be very, very welcome.
Robby George.
PROF. GEORGE:
Thanks, Leon. I just have two quick points. The first is to endorse
the point that Michael Sandel made this morning, which I interpret
really as a concern that the Council be willing to follow the argument
wherever it leads. I think we could probably best serve the President
and the nation, particularly at this point in our deliberations,
(we may have to narrow things down the line), but in having a kind
of Socratic attitude toward these questions, and let's just see
where they go in the course of argument.
The second point is a point about the language in which the debate
over cloning is framed. Commentators on contemporary moral debates
ranging from assisted suicide to homosexuality, abortion, all the
hot button issues, have observed that largely these debates are
framed as attempts to control the language of the debate. They can
produce terms that resonate with a broader public to make them work
on one side of the debate or the other. Of course, that is entirely
understandable, and I think not inappropriate in political debate.
But it tends to obscure, when the debate becomes a debate over language,
it tends to obscure the real understanding of people whose concern
fundamentally is not to win, but to understand.
I say this by way of introduction of a position that I want to state
on the record, and that is that I myself do not believe that there
is a distinction between reproductive and therapeutic cloning. And
I think that the distinction, and the use of those terms, is unfortunate.
As I will argue later, and at future meetings, I think that all
cloning is reproductive, and that no cloning, strictly speaking,
is therapeutic. And I appreciate the fact that in the working papers
the staff has been sensitive to the fact that there is a debate
even over the appropriateness of the use of these terms, and has
used quotation marks in a way that does not bias the question in
one way or another, but simply marks the fact that people disagree
about the terms, and that disagreement reflects an underlying moral
disagreement on the subject of cloning.
So, I want to say that while I will cheerfully respect people's
use of these terms, and will be willing to use them myself to make
myself clear in the context of the debate, because reasonable people
do disagree with me about this, and believe that there really is
a significant moral distinction between reproductive and therapeutic
cloning such that those terms and the distinction between the two
are useful and make sense, I just want to put on the record in advance
that I think the distinction itself is morally problematic. It is
not one that I myself accept, but I am happy to carry on the debate.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Please, Elizabeth.
DR. BLACKBURN:
Robby, I would like to place myself as one of those reasonable people
who does disagree with you, because I think it is very important
in defining what it is that therapeutic or reproductive medicine
involving cloning is versus--sorry, non-reproductive versus reproductive
cloning, which has the clear, stated intention of producing a child.
I think that it may be very helpful for this debate if we look very
carefully at what stages in human development are involved in each
of these, and how we think about those stages in human development
because I think that is a very important part of this debate in
weighing the cost-benefit ratio of both reproductive cloning on
the one hand, which I really believe is distinguishable in my mind
from the kind of process that would be involved in regenerative
medicine cloning.
So, I do not think it is semantics over words. I think we will need
to look carefully at what it is we are dealing with in terms of
the cells and material.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Michael.
PROF. SANDEL:
I would just like to direct a follow-up question to Elizabeth on
that. Those of us who are non-scientists would benefit from having
some fuller idea whether now in a promissory way, or maybe in some
future session, on what that enquiry might consist of.
DR. BLACKBURN:
I think this would be a useful thing for this Council to consider,
some accessible explanation which does try to go into a little bit
more detail. We had a very brief outline in our working paper which
I think is not sufficient to explain, perhaps, the essential issues.
So, I do not know what form this would take, but I think it would
be very helpful.
PROF. SANDEL:
I think it would be very valuable if we could have some way, particularly
for us non-scientists, because it is very abstract. We are used
to these very abstract discussions about the status of embryos at
different stages, but actually to have some scientists, whether
through a lecture, a slide presentation, written materials, or whatever
it might be, really to make more concrete what exactly the stages
in human development are.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Excellent. I mean, I think the background working paper was by everyone's
account simply a start on this, to give people who might be simply
unfamiliar with the terms some of the basic elements. I do not think
there is anything in there that is wrong. I mean, I think there
might be things in there that are vastly incomplete. I do not think
we have made any gross errors there on the science. But we will
have the benefit of the National Academy's report on this which
I am sure will have a great deal to assist us with. But I think
on the basic biology, perhaps, Elizabeth, you and Dick Roblin on
our staff could perhaps speak even before you leave the meeting,
and we can sort of talk about ways to get this material.
DR. BLACKBURN:
And I am quick to suggest perhaps other members of our Council as
well might join us in this endeavor, because I know I will be beyond
my own personal expertise, and so, any other volunteers would be
very welcome.
DR. GAZZANIGA:
Excuse me. I would like to add my voice of disagreement with your
position. You know, the whole issue of this, where we get into the
stem cell therapeutic cloning versus the reproductive cloning bumps
up against so many sort of facts that are on the ground now, and
the whole issue could be looked at in terms of transplant medicine.
So, we now have, as you all know, transplantation of organs going
on. How it works is a patient is declared brain-dead by the neurologist,
and the surgeons are right there harvesting the organs for transplantation,
the heart, the liver, the lungs. And so, we have right now a culturally
accepted way of, once we recognize someone is brain-dead, their
organs are free to be used to save other lives.
In the young embryo, up to (if I have this right; I will double
check) but I think it is up to the fortieth day, there are no neurons
yet formed for the cerebral cortex, for the brain. Basically, you
have a brainless entity. So, in some sense, the laws that govern
the next-of-kin to donate the heart, the lungs, to other people
from a brain-dead human, the parents of the IVF extra embryos could
donate their brainless blastocysts to be used for stem cell use,
and for other medical good. So, one could obviate this whole problem
by casting this picture in terms of recognized transplant law, which
there is laws on this and so forth, and see the problem from that
point of view.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Let me-- I can see where this last intervention could go, with a
long discussion on that. We have noted that there is a terminological
issue. One of the real contributions of this Council would be a
careful exploration of those terminological matters, reaching conclusion
if we can, laying out the alternatives if we cannot, but it is an
important contribution.
I do not think anybody ought to be trying to win the moral argument
by redefinition. I think there is too much of that that goes on.
We would be irresponsible if we did not try to sort these things
out, and recognizing the ambiguities, and the differences of the
perspectives, try to call things by their better names rather than
their worse.
But look, I have the sense that people are once again uncomfortable
grabbing the nub of the question before us. The question before
us is not therapeutic cloning. The question before us is what even
Robby George is willing for the sake of our proceeding with the
discussion to call cloning for baby-making. That is the question.
That is where we have the arguments here laid out. And we have heard
from Rebecca, who thinks that we have shortchanged the human research
ethics aspects of this discussion, and would like to see more. And
I think we would like to hear more on the merits.
Stephen, and then Jim.
PROF. CARTER:
A couple of, three really, small comments. Although first I should
say that if we are going that way, I am probably a reasonable or
unreasonable voice who would associate myself with Robby George's
position. So, I did not want him to think he was alone at the table.
But that is not really the intervention I intended.
I think Rebecca raises a very good point about one aspect that we
should look at very closely. However, I do think that whatever our
conclusion may be, that even those of us around the table which
I am willing to bet on being the majority, (but I may be wrong),
who think there ought to be a ban on human reproductive cloning,
should be very cautious.
Government regulation has a long and unbroken history of hitting
the wrong targets, and it is not merely a matter of a chilling effect.
Indeed, that is a phrase that probably gets a little bit overused.
But, sometimes the direct effect is to hit a target other than the
one that was planned or expected to be hit. The history, for example,
of the regulation of speech is a good example of this, the regulation
of speech, whether we are talking about speech codes on campus,
or seditious libel 200 years ago, or other things of that sort.
And so, I think that we ought to tread very carefully when we urge
the state to get into the matter of the regulation of scientific
research. That is, as to the subject. When I say subject, I mean
the topic of the research, or the area into which one ought to look.
I am not saying for that reason that we should not endorse the ban
on human cloning. I am simply saying we should be very cautious,
and we should be extremely clear in our terms, and mindful of the
tendency of regulation to grow vastly, and clumsily, but rapidly,
beyond the original limits of those who favor it for a discrete
purpose at a particular time.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Point well taken. But if I may also, it is on the topic for the
next session, namely the question of the ban. Here, the question
really is the moral argumentation for and against reproductive cloning.
We might conclude that we do not like it, but we should try to do
nothing about it, and that is a perfectly reasonable option. There
are lots of things that go on in society that we do not like.
Jim Wilson, and then Mary Ann, and then Gil.
DR. WILSON:
I would like to try to get the argument back to the ethics, but
in the form of a question to Robert. I may have misunderstood what
he said, but he expressed a concern about this distinction between
regenerative cloning and reproductive cloning, and I can well understand
why he would be uncomfortable with those words. But there are two
implications, two somewhat different implications.
One implication is that there is a slippery slope. If you start
engaging in regenerative cloning, you will wind up with full cloning,
and this, I think, led Michael, properly, and others, to say let's
learn more about the biology here so we can figure out how it is
going. The other implication is that once a sperm enters a cell,
it is a living human being, and therefore, nothing can be done,
and therefore, the argument stops there.
And so, what I want to ask Robert is which of those two views is
he expressing?
PROF. GEORGE:
Thanks, Jim. Yes, it is the latter. It is the idea that once we
have a human embryo, we have a new human being who is a subject
of rights and protection, rather than an object to be manipulated.
So, that is why I think it is a mistake to use the language, although
for these purposes I am happy to do it, subject just to this proviso,
that I think there is a problem with it. I think we can usefully,
nevertheless, use it in these discussions. I am happy to do that
if it will advance the debate. But I think since the clone of the
new human being is not going to be the beneficiary of the procedures,
it is actually not true, strictly speaking, to refer to this as
therapeutic cloning. I can make a much longer--there is a much longer--
CHAIRMAN KASS:
I do not want you to at this point, because I think the issue is
clear, but the terminological niceties at this point are not advancing
the discussion of what we are supposed to discuss, if I may be so
bold.
The point is very well taken, and I think Jim's intervention helps
you to clarify what the issue is, and we will meet it.
I think it was Mary Ann-- You were actually going to speak to the
issue, Jim, or--
DR. WILSON:
No, I just wanted to clarify.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Will someone, please? Mary Ann?
PROF. GLENDON: I hope you will consider this speaking
to the issue. I want to make some observations about the structure
of the arguments for and against the ban. It seems to me that the
observations are not only pertinent to this issue, but to many issues
that may come before the Council.
The arguments for the ban are arguments in terms of limits on freedom.
The arguments against the ban are in the familiar language about
freedom, various kinds of freedoms. In that kind of debate between
freedom and limits, one notices that when you talk about freedom,
we are in a familiar, common language that is shared by Americans
of all sorts. But when you start to talk about limits on freedom,
that common language disappears, and if you look at each argument
separately, you will find that the separate arguments may appeal
to some people who believe in that particular limit, but not to
people who believe in another limit. I think this is going to be
a general problem for our Council, that there is a shared American
vocabulary and discourse about freedom, and a lot of difficulty
in finding common ground in which to talk about limits.
That relates to a second kind of problem: who decides about limits?
If you do not want legislatures to decide this, then you are making
a decision about probably the role of business and the market. Do
we really want such issues of great gravity to be decided by market
forces?
If you resort to the institution which in our constitutional structure
very often has the job of working out limits to what appear to be
absolute freedoms in the Constitution, but we all know they are
not, then you are going to have the decisions made by judges. This
whole range of questions lies beneath this argument for and against
a ban. And there perhaps is (this will be my final observation)
there perhaps is something to be said in a society where the great
majority of people for different reasons have a deep feeling that
something is morally repugnant, there is something to be said for
having that decision made by the institution that, however imperfectly
in the normal, democratic process, reflects the sentiments of the
population.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Gil.
PROF. MEILAENDER:
Yes. A comment on some of the arguments in the working papers. Let
me start with the arguments against cloning. To me, in certain respects,
the most powerful arguments are two that are in a lot of ways related,
the one that is number 5 on page 11, manufacture and commodification,
and number 7 on page 17 about family and procreation. They are linked
in a lot of ways. I mean, there are different nuances, but the commodification
argument talks about the sense in which reproduction in the normal
way endows each new generation with the dignity and freedom that
those who have come before had, and the sense in which cloning which
starts with a particular kind of product in mind might change that.
The other argument about the relation of the family relation talks
about the normal reproductive process, acknowledging at least tacitly
a certain kind of humility before what it is that results, and accepting
a certain kind of limits over one's power to control the next generation.
Those two arguments are related, and I think they are powerful ones,
and deserve to be taken seriously.
Over against that, in terms of Working
Paper #4 cloning, and I was trying to find this-- Someplace
in one of these working papers, it mentions it, and I could not
lay my hands on it right at this moment. But there is kind of a
burden of proof issue, I think, that really emerges, because to
me, the most powerful argument in a sense that emerges from the
Working Paper 4 cloning is not so much some single argument as it
relates to what Mary Ann just said. I mean, why try to stop people
from doing this? You know, it is not going to be a large number
of people who do it. Can you really demonstrate that your concerns
are so great that you should impinge on people's freedom here? I
mean, there is kind of a-- One gets worn down by that argument which
is so powerful in our society, which makes me think that in some
ways, really, the crucial issue is the last one that comes up in
that working paper against cloning, the one that you noted in your
opening remarks, the impact on society question. That is to say,
is it really just a free, private choice? Are there kind of larger--
Are we learning to think as a society in different ways? Even if
very few of us do it, I mean, in some way or other one comes to
that. But it is the burden of proof issue, I think, that is really
crucial in weighing the clash between the arguments set forth in
the two papers.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Good. Janet, and then Michael.
DR. ROWLEY:
Well, I would like to just follow up with you, Gil, on these concerns
that you have raised, particularly on manufacture. And I guess what
I am trying to say here, the question is, the implication is, that
reproductive cloning would replace the normal intercourse that leads
to pregnancy in general. And I was wondering how you think that
is going to be prevented so that reproductive cloning becomes the
norm in society.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Gil, do you want to respond?
PROF. MEILAENDER:
I have no desire to prevent that.
DR. ROWLEY:
If you do not, then why is it even an issue? I mean, I understand,
and I have been educated by the Chair that these are arguments that
have appeared in various fora that are collected here for our consideration.
But I think at some point it is also--it would be helpful if the
Council reviewed the various fors and againsts and said this is
a reasonable argument to support a position, and this is really
not a reasonable argument to support a particular position. So,
I just want your views on that.
PROF. MEILAENDER:
It relates to what I said at the very end of my remarks relating
to that impact on society issue, and in a sense, one has to decide
about that. In other words, the question is whether the fact that,
if it turns out to be that, that just a few people do this means
that it is of very minor importance in the way a society learns
to think about the children who are produced, whether produced through
cloning or in the normal manner, or whether it trains us all to
think in different ways. That is to say, whether it remains a rather
isolated, private choice, or whether it has public effect. That
is the issue one has to think about finally.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Yes, I mean, I think some arguments depend upon the scale of use
as to whether it is socially important, and others might simply
say a society that tolerates certain kinds of minority practices
might arguably be a different society. I mean, there would not be
a lot of incest, I suppose, if there were not a prohibition against
it, and yet, we feel strongly to enunciate the societal view on
that. I mean, I take it that is at least a question here, and I
really mean it as a question, not as something settled.
I have forgotten the queue. Was it Bill, and then Michael, or Michael
and then-- Michael, and then Bill, and then Stephen. I am sorry,
Frank. Excuse me.
PROF. SANDEL:
Well, I want to address directly our Chair's question, but then
also, draw from that an observation about the character of our discussion.
The direct answer is one thing that strikes me looking at the arguments
for reproductive cloning is that they really, except for one or
two, are not very persuasive. The only one here-- Infertile couples
have other ways. They can adopt children, or use other means. The
only one that is weighty, really, is allowing people to have children
without the risk of known genetic diseases. That is "c".
And maybe "e", people who would want to have transplant
donors for a desperately ill child. None of the others are really
very persuasive.
One of the things that strikes me about the reproductive cloning
discussion is that intellectually it is not very interesting because
the arguments for it are not very compelling. The arguments against
it, discussing the objections, is very interesting, and there yesterday
we got into discussions of nature, of procreation, of family, of
human will, mastering mysteries, strangeness, commodification, repugnance
and its moral status. Those are interesting questions. But the reason
they are interesting, unlike these arguments about reproductive
cloning as such is that something was at stake in the discussions
that we were having about how best to account for the repugnance.
And the reason something was at stake, and it was intellectually
interesting, and it mattered to know, is it because we worry about
family, or about the asexual character, or because destroying the
mystery, or because exalting the human will? The reason those were
interesting is that which of those reasons were compelling and sound
have consequences for other related issues. And everybody knows
that. And that is why, and this is the comment on the discussion,
why Leon, you have been heroically and masterfully trying to rein
in wild horses who keep trying to pull this discussion in other
directions. And I think the reason for that is, and you have good
reason for wanting to do that, because the instinct is if we get
into so-called therapeutic, so-called research cloning, and these
other areas, then there are more compelling arguments for doing
it than we have here. These are weak arguments on the whole for
reproductive cloning. Nobody is really taken with them. The other
arguments are stronger, and the counter arguments matter, which
of those theories we really adopt. But the fear is that we are going
to get stuck on the moral status of the embryo, and we do not want
that. But I think the gravitational pull that you are very adeptly
and skillfully struggling against by the Council suggests that that
is where the real interest lies.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
That is one possibility. The other possibility is that a bunch of
professors prefer to discuss the question rather than answer it.
And the meta-questions are very interesting, but if we constituted
ourselves as a body that had to, on balance, having heard the arguments,
or consulted our intuitions, or thought about this, come to some
judgment on balance what to think about reproductive cloning--
I mean, maybe you are right, Michael. Maybe everybody in the room
has already decided that reproductive cloning, who needs it? Let's
talk about the other things. But if that is the case, we should
hear it.
PROF. SANDEL:
Well, is there any really important good that anybody thinks would
be advanced by reproductive cloning? If not, let's get on to the
objections, and why they are interesting, and what the consequences,
which objection matters, what has for these other things. What is
the human good that is advanced, does anybody think, by reproductive
cloning? What is at stake? Even in the public debate, nobody really
thinks it is terribly important.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Any takers?
PROF. MEILAENDER:
Leon, it is the good of freedom. I mean, I am not an advocate or
anything, but that is the good that people get. The particular--
(Simultaneous discussion.)
PROF. SANDEL:
Yes, but that begs the question. Freedom for the sake of what end?
What worthy end?
PROF. MEILAENDER:
Well, you do not find, and I do not myself find that the particular
examples of the kind of use of that freedom given there is reasons
why people might want to do it. It is not terribly compelling. I
do not disagree with you on that, but that does not alter the fact
that if you are going to interfere with someone's freedom, you need
a compelling reason. That is the good that is at stake.
DR. KRAUTHAMMER:
In a free society, the burden of proof is on those who want to stop
it. So, you do not have to have a good argument to clone; you have
got to have a good argument to say why you should not.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Bill, then Frank, and Stephen. Bill, Stephen, and Frank. Excuse
me.
DR. HURLBUT:
I want to take up these two comments. I do not know a single scien--
Well, I know one, actually. I only know one scientist who is even
remotely in favor of reproductive cloning. I think on a policy level,
reproductive cloning, at least for the foreseeable future is not
an issue. But to me, we are losing (and this is affirming what you
said) a very good opportunity to do something at the foundation
of our process, on the launching pad of this whole endeavor, to
think about how we do ethics.
If I look back at our working paper, on page 2 it speaks of giving
a "new form to human procreation" at the bottom of page
2. And then it says, "In their desire to empower human will,
they seek to break the mold of natural human limitation-and we must
think of where a new standard of human behavior and dignity might
come from."
Well, as a physician, I was trained that medicine was to cure disease,
and alleviate suffering, and I remember Galen said, "The physician
is only nature's assistant." So, I tend to look at the natural
world, and I see it, as I tried to say yesterday, somehow not just
creating freedom, but a context of constraint to that freedom that
gives us some meaningful life. In other words, if you think of freedom
as a biologically produced capacity, with both earthly, and perhaps
transcendent significance, it has to be understood in a natural
context. That natural context has been constraint, as well as open
possibility historically. Now, our technology gives us new powers
over the limitations of nature, and so, we need to ask ourselves
if we move off of the frame which has formed us, and there is no
question in my mind anyway that our minds have been formed by the
realities of the natural world, then will we find a meaningful,
full flourishing of human life in the places we may enter?
The question below all this to me is how do we do ethics in the
opportunity for so much change to basic human reality? How do freedom
and flourishing, full flourishing, actually coordinate in an age
of biomedical technology? So, I think we should return to the fundamental
questions raised in this working paper as to why some of these efforts
toward reproductive cloning, however irrelevant it may be for establishing
actual laws right now-- I think it is a done deal. I think we are
going to outlaw reproductive cloning, or at least put a long moratorium
on it. But it still would be very instructive to us as to how to
do ethics.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Stephen, and then Frank, I think is the way I had it.
PROF. CARTER:
Again, let me try to address myself to the right question this time.
Although in addressing that, part of my answer will explain why
(Inaudible.) addressed the wrong question, I think.
I think it is correct that it is very hard to identify reproductive
cloning as a good, and therefore, it is hard to defend it morally.
So, if it is simply a moral question, it is not so much the nays
are going to have it, but the nays are going to have more interesting
arguments. That is why Charles is right, and Gil is right, that
the good that has to be weighed is not the good of cloning, but
the good of freedom. And so, the moral question. The reason why
we slide over into the ban, therefore, is that if we are simply
talking at the level of morality, my moral objection to something
you are free to do may result simply in your turning your back,
and that is where we slide over into the ban. So, that is why the
burden of proof issue matters.
I do think, though, that if we want to stick with the arguments
in the paper, actually I disagree with Michael on which of the arguments
pro are the more powerful ones. I do agree that we can reject most
of them. For example, the fact that people want to do a thing does
not make it a good, does not change its moral status at all. The
fact that people want to do a thing really a lot does not change
it. The fact that people deeply desire and are wounded if they cannot
do it, does not affect its moral status. So, the fact that people
want it does not make it a good, nor does the fact that people will
do it anyway make it a good. Nor does the fact that people will
do it in another country make it a good. The moral aspect of a thing
as a good or not a good is not affected by people's desire for it,
and in most cases, except for some hormones, not by their need for
it, depending on how we define need, either.
So, it strikes me that the only arguments that need to be taken
seriously, I think, on the pro side are on page 4, argument g) which
we rather trashed yesterday, but nevertheless, I think is actually
an argument about a possible desirable good, because we could argue
that maybe having these individuals of great genius is a good, in
which case that would be a serious argument. But nobody thought
that yesterday, not many people thought that. Or h), if not for
the fact that most people seem to think that h) cuts the other way,
that it allows to prepare for the unpredictable nature of the future.
That is, you could imagine, for example, a future circumstance in
which there had been some disease that was ruinous to the gene pool,
and it turned out that only by cloning individuals could we reproduce
the race at a level that would allow the race to survive. You can
imagine situations like that. But there again, it is not the cloning
that is the good; the cloning is the tool that allows the good to
be done, if one takes that as an argument.
So, what about the negative arguments which are described as interesting?
They invite our attention to these larger issues, and so on, and
I suppose they do. But I have to confess that I do not find most
of them very compelling. Interesting, yes. Inviting our attention
to mystery, yes. But not very compelling, except really for one
that is kind of buried in one of the others, and that is, the question
of how reproductive cloning would affect our view of the human itself.
Not of the cloned human, not of that individual. This is not the
question we talked about yesterday, but whether our view of what
it means to be human is affected by the use of this technology,
which is a question we have confronted as a society in the past,
sometimes well, sometimes badly.
For example, in the time of Darwin, for example, this was one of
the arguments very fondly pressed against the widespread dissemination
of Darwin's theories, precisely that it would dramatically alter
our view of the human, and that was a true objection. That is, it
was a fact that it would, and it did, I think, alter our view of
the human. Now, the question was it altered for the better or worse
is not at issue; just that it altered it.
So, having said all that, that is why I think that in the end it
is the instinctive revulsion that people feel, that Mary Ann mentioned
earlier. The instinctive repugnance, I think, deserves an important
place in the moral debate. Not necessarily a decisive place, but
sometimes there are important moral questions that it is extraordinarily
difficult to reduce to argument. The enlightenment tradition teaches
that it is important to be able to reduce our repugnances to arguments,
but I often think that is a flaw in enlightenment tradition.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Thank you very much. I think it was you, Frank, next.
DR. KRAUTHAMMER:
Could I just say one sentence, Leon? That I agree with you, Stephen,
about that the repugnance is the core of the objection. But unless
that repugnance is unpacked rationally, I think we will lose the
argument, because in a free society the compelling imperative of
freedom has to be counter-argued. If it is not--if you cannot produce
a rational argument beyond repugnance, freedom wins, I think. It
will win politically, and it will win, in a sense, intellectually.
So, I think we need to find ways to make that repugnance understandable,
transmittable, reproducible, by argument.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Frank, Mary Ann, and Paul.
PROF. FUKUYAMA:
One way of thinking about the moral question is what you might call
a kind of common law approach which is to look at analogous situations,
and you yourself mentioned this, Leon, earlier in the case of incest.
Because I think that actually of all the laws that we have on the
books, the one that the cloning battle would be the most comparable
to is the law prohibiting incest, which is a law that limits reproductive
freedom. Brothers and sisters cannot produce children. And thinking
through this, if we did not have incest laws and one came up before
Congress, I am not sure it would get passed these days. But it is
interesting sort of thinking why we have this law on the books,
and it may help us in thinking about the cloning matter.
Now, I think that, you know, the reason that we ban incest is a
combination of the yuk factor. I mean, people just instinctively
do not like it. There are various medical reasons about, you know,
you are more likely to transmit recessive genes, you know, on both
sides of the parents. But it is also similar to the cloning ban
in that there is probably not a lot of people that actually want
to commit incest.
But it does seem to me that if you thought about it, there are cases
you can imagine to yourself, sympathetic cases. Let's say brother
and sister came from a broken family; they grew up separately; they
met as adults, and it turned out that this was, you know, the one
exact, perfect match for them. And why should society in that case
prevent them from getting married? The medical issues could probably
be dealt with. You know, at this point you could probably screen
to make sure that they were not, you know, transmitting a terrible
disease.
So then you ask the question, well, is this really a rational law
that would prevent people in this compelling case from getting married
and having children? And I think what society has decided in the
case of the incest ban is-- Well, actually, I do not know. I mean,
that is something I think that we ought to think about. I mean,
what are the reasons that we maintain this ban? Because I do not
think it is simply the kind of pragmatic medical one. I think it
is a combination of an instinctive, you know, dislike of the practice,
the idea. And I think most people would take seriously the public
argument that even if we allowed one brother/sister couple to produce
children, that that somehow, you know, would be a public act that
people would not like.
And the other thing that I think is important thinking through that
analogy is how you balance these different competing interests.
Michael, you said that you did not see any compelling interest in
favor of reproductive cloning. I have a friend that e-mails me constantly
because he wants to be able to clone, you know, his son. He wants
a back-up copy of his son in case his son gets killed. He gets horribly
indignant at the idea that anyone is going to restrict this, you
know, ability of his to create this back-up copy. You know, I have
run into quite a few people that are really, really extremely--
I mean, and they, you know-- And you can come up with reasonably
sympathetic scenarios where it would be in someone's interest.
And I think, you know, in a way what we need to do is step back
and think about how you balance these various different kinds of
considerations. I do not think it is simply the case that even if
someone has a strong interest in doing something, that you simply
disregard that. I mean, in a certain way, enough strong interest,
you know, amounts to a moral claim at a certain level. But I do
think that the incest case does provide a certain precedent for
society taking a low-probability event, and balancing both pragmatic,
and you know, revulsion factor interests, and coming up with, you
know, a ban that receives a fairly broad consensus.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
I think that was a warm-up for you, Mary Ann.
PROF. GLENDON:
I think that the incest example is very helpful here. I wanted to
react to Charles's suggestion that we need to have rational arguments
to support an instinctive feeling that people may have.
I am going to publicly confess I do not have instinctive revulsion
about the idea. What I do have is a worry about unforeseen, unintended
consequences, what happens, and how do you put that worry into a
rational form.
I think in the case of reproductive cloning, as with incest, one
might be able to come up with six different arguments that would
have a plausible claim to being called rational, but they would
not appear persuasive to every person who would sign up for one
of the six. So, on the one side, the side against any ban, you have
arguments that boil down, essentially, to one widely shared argument,
the one you mentioned before, the argument for freedom from government
regulation. That is easy. And the problem on the other side of the
case is not that the arguments are not rational, but they will not
be recognized as persuasive by everybody in the group, and I think
that is true of incest.
St. Augustine was against incest because he thought it was natural
to love people closely related to you more than you loved strangers,
so that in order to spread the love around, you really had to have
exogen--
(Laughter.)
I mean, you cannot concentrate it all in a selfish way. That might
be persuasive to some people. It is rational. It is not an irrational
argument. But not everybody who opposes incest would oppose it for
that reason.
So, maybe I will come back to the idea that in a democratic society,
where many people share a common position but for different reasons,
the way we decide that is by voting.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Paul. Do you want to comment on this, Jim, or--?
DR. KRAUTHAMMER:
Could I just make one point on that? Could I just make a one sentence
response? That it is remarkable that in the Congress, the vote was
unanimous against the reproductive. Not a single member of Congress.
So, it means that you may have six reasons, each of which has a
constituency of 70, which add them all up, and you get-- But it
is amazing to me that you cannot find a single person in the House
who will not oppose a ban on reproductive cloning. It means that--
I would infer there is a revulsion deep underneath it which would
explain that incredible-- If it was just lining up the rational
arguments, you would expect a few people out there who would be
on the other side, and there are none.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Paul McHugh, and then Jim.
DR. MCHUGH:
As Frank said yesterday, sometimes you are always anticipated if
you just wait long enough. And the argument though, I want to continue
on this line, that is, that we should be looking for rational reasons
to explain our revulsion of these behaviors, which would be the
social behavior of reproductive cloning.
And by the way, it is not hard to find other examples in which we
were not completely persuasive for everybody, but ultimately began
to see reasons for controlling behavior, and stopping behavior.
The obvious one, of course, is slavery in which we eventually had
to see how corrupting it was to every sense of humankind.
But you know, we also argued the case against polygamy very powerfully,
and we, I believe most of us, argue strongly against prostitution.
Now, there are plenty of people in the world, I do not know "plenty",
but there are enough people in the world that think polygamy might
not be a bad idea, particularly if they are men, and similarly,
about prostitution. Yet in all of them, coming back to what Rebecca
said, the argument against all of those was the issue of the use
of power over the weak. And I submit that reproductive cloning is
repulsive, and primarily repulsive because our imaginations see
us as using power over the weak, that is the child that will ultimately
be produced for our purposes as an idea of ours, rather than from
nature.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Jim.
DR. WILSON:
Yes. I largely agree with what Paul said. I want to expand a bit
on the incest argument, because I think it is related to what he
said.
Incest is universally condemned by all cultures in the world. I
do recall one poll that showed that 21 percent of New Yorkers were
in favor of it, but there is no other part of the world where this
can be found.
(Laughter.)
Incest has been tested in the kibbutzim of Israel. You have boys
and girls growing up without parents. They dress the same, they
play together, they take showers together, and by the time they
reach the age of puberty, they start to withdraw from each other,
and they do not get married. And so, one of the problems with sustaining
the kibbutzim is they are not getting married there. I think this
natural revulsion is reinforced by law. But if it is so natural,
why a law? And why not have an exception, as Frank indicated, for
the unusual case?
I think the reason we have the law is that there are some people
who will try to violate the incest, and in the United States of
America, that happens to be the fathers of attractive, young daughters.
All of the cases of incest, the predominant number of incest cases
we have, are fathers exploiting in a sexual way their daughters,
and that is a number that can grow. And so, instead of saying we
will let the judges dec-- We reject the idea of having no law, because
this group exists, and instead of saying the judges have the right
to expand the law in suitable cases, a testimony to the faith and
farseeing-ness of judges that I do not happen to share, we simply
say since there is a risk here, we are going to enforce the law
as a way of protecting vulnerable people.
And as Paul said, there is another group of vulnerable people here,
children who are being raised to be models, copies, of some other
thing without really having a chance to vote on it. So, the incest
example that has been raised is, I think, very important. You can,
in principle, think of an exception to it, as Frank has done. But
I think when you reflect upon creating a system that would recognize
the exception without undergirding its deterrent effect, the argument
disappears.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Dan, Elizabeth, and Robby. We have a long queue. Let me write this
down. Dan, Elizabeth--
DR. FOSTER:
I have listened with great interest to the discussion yesterday
and today. I have to say that some of the discussion yesterday about
the meaning of procreation after sexual intercourse as having powerful
ethical and moral issues was one that I did not resonate with. I
understand the sacred nature of it, and I understand that one as
a matter of religious faith may believe that that is true. I think
the great mystery is here about the issues of life itself.
I do not know whether the moment that the sperm joins the egg, that
life is created. I do not know whether that is pre-life, or life.
I had many discussions with the late Jesuit moral theologian Richard
McCormick about this, and he himself was unsure. Most embryos, as
you know, die before, spontaneously, before they are ever born.
So, I think some of these things are vested in mystery. We may proclaim
with enthusiasm that this is life, but I thought that Michael's
argument about the neurons and so forth-- Is potential life the
same thing as life? I do not know.
So, my concerns were not so much about the moral and ethical issues
of the way in which a child was formed as the question, the critical
question before us, about a clonal reproduction. My predominant
objections at the moment precede the moral issues that are involved,
although I know that Leon really wants to discuss this. He noted
that the climate for moral discussion is more rich now than it has
been.
I am vastly more concerned about the issues of safety, as Rebecca
is. I think it is going to be a very long time. I think this is
an incredibly risky procedure now, but it might not stay that way
forever. But for now, that argument alone would be sufficient for
me to say that I would want to ban this. There are not enough studies
that have been done. I am not saying ban. I mean, to not make it--
We are going to talk about that later.
The second thing I want to say is, that I think one should not ignore
intuitive public opinion, the common morality, which I know there
is a problem there. The problem with the Beecham-Childress model
of bioethics is that it is based on a moral viewpoint that does
not hold in, let's say Vietnam, or whatever. It is a way of thinking,
and the principle is not what Rebecca talked about, but it does
not solve specific moral problems, or that it emphasizes autonomy
and non-malevolence out of things.
But I read a book one time that I thought was not a very good book,
but there is an important point in it that the late C.S. Lewis said.
He said that two people are getting on a bus. One is an old lady
who is crippled, and one is a young, healthy person, and there is
one seat in the back of the bus, and the young person jumps on the
bus, and goes and takes the seat. And everybody on the bus says,
"That's not fair. Get up and give her the seat." And the
question is, why? Because there was an intuitive sense that the--
I mean, the law of the survival of the fittest, that was perfectly
right for him to do. But there was a sense that there was something
wrong about that.
Now, as far as I-- Unless somebody corrects me, I believe that Germany
has completely forbidden the progression here. We have the document
about California here. We have all sorts of polls. I mean, there
is sort of an intuitive sense, as has been mentioned here, that
this is not the right time to do this. It does not mean that there
might never be a time that you could do--
I think one could argue, as Stephen said, if there were a bioterrorism,
or a vast nuclear war, it might be worthwhile to have some clones
available to do something. I mean, we did not destroy all the smallpox
virus in the world, and that turns out now to be a wise decision
so you can make some vaccine for bioterrorism. So, I think there
are conceivable situations.
The follow-up to that might be that there are certain circumstances
which might be restricted morally or legally where the cloning might
be a good thing in an individual case, where you could completely
ban manufactures of armies, let's say, if somebody wants to make
a super-race as Charles said, and so forth, that you could ban and
destroy that.
So, I would think that another healthy thing would be to say that
what we decide here is now, and may have implications for the future,
but it does not have to be fixed in stone. If we make a wrong decision,
and other things come along that change it, either morally or ethically,
you can change that.
Finally, I think there is a danger here of what I think Erik Erikson
calls "pseudo-speciation", and what he meant by was for
humans, or a group of humans, to project out onto all humankind
that they were like the humans that were thinking. In other words,
so that an American professor sitting here tends to think about
how one looks at the world and people in the light of their own
understanding of what are big issues.
William James once said that serious questions-- I am speaking to
this issue of arguing in terms of freedom or non-freedom, or restriction
of freedom. William James said that serious questions have three
components. They have to be momentous, not trivial, and they had
to be forced, not optional. Everybody had to decide on them. And
there were then lively options. I mean, we can clone, or we can
not clone. There is a lively option here. It is a momentous question.
But I do not think that the public, at least the sort of people
that I deal with every day, are really interested in an ethical
discussion of freedom and restrictions of freedom. I think they
are going to decide this on much more practical and pragmatic grounds,
that you can say this is not safe now, or it might be dangerous
along these things. I think if you cast this argument in some sort
of ethical and philosophical way, it is not going to resonate with
the mass of the people that we are here to represent.
So, those are random and unlinked points, but that is where I stand
about it. I think that this group has-- I mean, we have a danger.
I think one of the things that people always worry about is certain
religious groups are so sure they know every truth, like when the
world is going to end and everything else. We have to be sure that
we do not act like we know all the truth about what life is, and
when it begins, and all those things as well.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Thank you. One tiny thing. I would not say the question of safety
is a non-moral question. The question of safety is a fact, but it
translates into a serious moral concern of not doing harm. I was
coming to your aid.
DR. FOSTER:
Mr. Chairman, my wife tells me I need aid all the time, and I appreciate
you trying to help me out. I do not believe that I said that safety
was not a moral issue. I think it is a high moral issue. If I misspoke,
then a synapse went wrong. I need to see Michael, and tell me that
I better get a PET scan or something like that.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Elizabeth. Yes, it is Elizabeth, please.
DR. BLACKBURN:
I had actually been prepared to take up that safety issue, too,
and particularly in light of what is on page 5 of the Working
Paper 3 at the very bottom of the page. And I think because
safety-- We have to look at evidence in terms of safety. And then,
the next line says-- Let me read you what it said in terms of--this
was an argument pro the safety of human cloning, or about it. "Safety
is possible without requiring overly reckless experimentation:"
And I think Dan's point is that, you know, at this point in our
history that is far from being the case. And then it said, "Parallel
with IVF."
That, to me, is perhaps a dangerous thing to put here, because IVF
really does involve sperm and egg, and the proper imprinted genomes
that can function. Cloning involves the issue of, you know, potentially
non-functional genomes. And so, what I am saying is that if somebody
looked at this argument, they would say, "Oh, well, there is
a parallel with IVF because safety is possible." And I would
say we are a very long way away in practical terms from that being
the case. And so, this--
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Yes, I think I can explain the meaning of your point. I think I
agree with you completely. I think the point is that people have
argued publicly, look, IVF before it was tried, people were saying
(I was one of them) this is a hazardous potential experiment on
a newborn child. We were playing dice with new life. It turns out,
the procedure is very safe. Nobody knew that in advance. And I think
that people have said how do you know that cloning is not like that?
Well, we have lots of evidence, I think, to suggest that cloning
is not like that, and that evidence is very important to this discussion.
But this is the way some people have been talking in the public
realm. That is why I think it is put there.
Elizabeth, do you want to respond?
DR. BLACKBURN:
No, no. I agree. I was just saying that as written here, we are
having to unpack rational arguments, and if someone looked at this
argument, I think that this would be not based on really, you know,
good available evidence.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
I have-- Have I lost a page? I think it was Robby next, yes?
PROF. GEORGE:
Leon, I think Michael wanted to get in just on this point. Could
he go ahead of me?
DR. GAZZANIGA:
Well, just quickly, to go back to Charles' point. There could be
a long list of safety reasons spelled out as to why this is a bad
idea. Cloning has been going on a long time with corn, and they
have made genetically identical corn, and the agriculturalists were
very happy with this. Then they planted it, and the entire corn
crop would be wiped out because there was no genetic diversity when
a new organism came in that would attack that particular piece of
corn. So, cloning has been basically abandoned as an idea in agriculture,
because it shut down genetic diversity.
And one can see this is a big problem in the cloning of animals
if you read the papers carefully, and get to the back of the papers.
So, the whole reason why we have bisexual reproduction is to create
the genetic diversity that allows you to defeat bacterial challenges
to the organism. So, one could go down quite a rational list as
to why this-- Seven reasons why cloning looks like a good idea sort
of comes from The X-Files, and does not really come from scientists
who have thought about this a lot.
CHAIRMAN KASS:We
are at ten o'clock, time for a break. I am going to run over a few
more minutes here; we will take a little bit longer break, because
I have a list of Robby, Rebecca-- Oh, my goodness. Robby, Rebecca,
Stephen, Michael. You cannot all speak in five minutes. Be succincter
than usual and maybe get most of them in, and we will start the
next session with whoever is left over. Robby.
PROF. GEORGE:
Thanks, Leon. At the appropriate time, which is not now, I would
like to go back to Michael's argument about brain-death. It is an
argument that has been floated and developed in some detail by the
Oxford philosopher Michael Lockwood, and rebuttals have been offered
by John Finnis and Patrick Lee, and I have offered one myself, and
I think it is a question very much worth debating, as I say, at
the appropriate time. It also might be possible for the staff to
distribute the published versions of these debates. I do not know
if Michael has written himself on it, but these other people have,
and it might be a good thing to distribute among us. It is a very
interesting argument.
I want to say a word on behalf of reproductive cloning, not because
I believe in it. I do not. But I do believe in meeting the best
argument for the other side, and giving it its full due. And it
seems to me not to give it its full due to frame it in terms of
freedom, although I acknowledge that even people who do have the
pro reproductive cloning view do appeal to freedom. I think they
appeal to it because it is very powerful as rhetoric in our particular
political culture. But I think behind it is something more powerful,
and that is the idea that the children--whether to have a child,
and whether to have this child rather than that child, or a child
with this set of attributes rather than those, these rather than
those, profoundly affects the shape of one's own life.
When people argue for reproductive freedom, it is not simply an
argument for the value of the exercise of the freedom. These arguments
which I constantly contend against, these arguments are arguments
for having a certain sort of course of life in my one and only future,
as they suppose. And to have a child is going to profoundly affect
the way my life goes. And to have a retarded child is going to very
profoundly affect the way it goes. To have a really intelligent,
Harvard-bound child profoundly affects the way my life will go,
and darn it, I want my life to go in a certain direction, and that
is not unreasonable, the argument goes. It is not unreasonable for
me to want that. That is not an unreasonable want, and that is something
that other people should respect, not only by way of stepping away
from any kind of legal ban or prohibition, but even stepping away
from any kind of moral judgment. It is just not appropriate to cast
moral judgment on my judgment of how my life should go. And when
one acknowledges that whether to have a child, or what kind of child
to have, shapes that in a fundamental way, then it is wrong to cast
a judgment, even in that direction. As I say, it is not an argument
that I accept, but I think that is the argument that has got to
be engaged, rather than just an abstract claim to freedom. And it
is an argument which I think several of the arguments that the staff
has so helpfully canvassed here on page 3 sort of gesture toward.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
It is the pursuit of happiness in which you are so interested.
PROF. GEORGE:
The pursuit of happiness, yes. Happiness now being the idea that
I want my life to go a certain way.
DR. KRAUTHAMMER:
Is not that a way of saying I want it because I want it? Well, now
you are making my argument. I mean, this I think is the argument--
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Charles, let's go in a queue. Rebecca, please.
PROF. DRESSER:
Four brief points. I think we do need to do more than just dismiss
the arguments in favor of reproductive cloning with the goal of
speaking to as many people as possible. I think we need to explain
why if we agree that these are not persuasive reasons, we need to
do more than say, well, those are not important.
Second, I guess I take a little bit of exception with Mary Ann in
that I do think there is a shared language in which we speak of
limits on freedom, and that is, if freedom harms others. And then,
certainly in criminal law is all about restricting people's freedom
because it harms others in various ways. I do not think a lot of
criminal law is all that controversial.
So then, the question here becomes, well, what kind of harm are
we talking about, what is the probability of harm, is it an important
enough harm, and is it likely enough that many people could agree
that freedom should be limited. And so here, I think the focus would
be on what is it-- The harm of being a genetic copy, or nearly a
genetic copy, how is that different from other kinds of harm that
we can imagine visited on children had in the normal way, or any
kind of assisted reproduction that is somehow not as bad, and therefore
we do not interfere with people's freedom to use those techniques?
I had thought of polygamy and incest as other analogous cases, but
I think we also want to think about cases that may not get the same
kind of support. And at one point in our history, interracial marriage
many people, probably if you had a vote, the majority of people
would say, "Oh, that is repugnant. We do not want to permit
that." So, I think it is very important to test these intuitions,
and come up with more than just a repugnance.
That is all I want to say. Thanks.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Okay. Stephen, and then Michael.
PROF. CARTER:
Thank you. I have a couple of brief points. I want to say a word
about the mystery that we have spoken of a couple of times, and
I also want to ask the Chair a question.
In terms of the mystery, the instinctive revulsion, and things of
that nature. It does strike me that sometimes there are arguments
that lose a lot in translation into the ordinary language of academic
discourse, say. I think of Martin Luther King's advocacy in the
civil rights movement, for example, which is often incorrectly described
by historians who have read very little of it as thought it was
sort of a secular, public, political campaign. Actually, it was
a public ministry of one sermon after another spoken in explicitly
religious terms with constant reference to the Creator or to God
with occasional throwaway lines about one secular argument or another,
but there were few of those. And I think this helps account for
the success of the ministry, that these were arguments that resonated
with a lot of people precisely because they appealed to a part of
the human conscience that often cannot be reached, at least not
successfully, or not reached passionately, if we restrict ourselves
to the arguments that might be cast in the terms of ordinary rationality.
I really do believe, and I think that King believed correctly, that
there is a place in the human heart where sometimes if that place
can be touched, without further argument we simply know right from
wrong.
Now, one of the virtues of rationality on the other hand is it helps
us sometimes sort out those instincts. That is, I do not think the
fact that we cannot point to a rational argument to defend an instinct
suggests that it is a bad instinct. I do think that sometimes rational
argument can undo a bad instinct, so that if you take the case,
for example, of, say, the bans on miscegenation, it may be the case
that those bans which were instinctively felt, and very powerfully
defended for a very long time, that those bans were probably undone
as much with rational argument as with an appeal to passion, although
it was a rational argument about passion; it was a rational argument
about something that people could readily identify with as another
deeply held instinct about men and women freely choosing whom to
love and whom to marry.
Now, the reason I make this point about instinct is that I think
that for a lot of people, the opposition that they feel to reproductive
cloning, and here following Dan's advice, I am thinking about a
lot of people who are not present at the table, and a lot of the
reason, Charles, that you find this unanimity in Congress is not
really because there are six rational arguments, and people are
choosing up among them. I think a lot of it is some deeply held
instinct. I am not suggesting the Council is bound by that instinct,
or that it ought to control us, only that we ought not dismiss it,
and that, in fact, it is something that we should consider very
importantly as we consider questions both of morality and policy,
without regard to whether we think we can fully explain it or even
justify it.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Michael, then Bill.
PROF. SANDEL:
Just a quick word about the freedom argument. In this discussion,
it has fallen into the unlikely hands of Gil and Charles and Robby,
otherwise capable hands.
PROF. MEILAENDER:
All friends of freedom, I might add.
PROF. SANDEL:
And we have run together the moral and the regulatory issues. Insofar
as the freedom argument is a plausible argument in connection with
cloning, it is a plausible argument against banning cloning. But
it is not a plausible argument for the morality of cloning. That
is the point I meant to make before. Nobody trying to decide whether
making a baby by cloning is morally desirable would be helped one
way or the other by being told that he is free to choose either
way. That is all I meant.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Finally, Bill.
DR. HURLBUT:
Picking up on what Stephen said, and returning to the issue of incest
as an example of how a kind of natural morality emerges from a given
biological structure of human reality. Obviously, it seems at least
to me, obviously morality is in our minds and hearts and spirits
because it is in the service of life. At least that seems like a
good biological assumption, whatever other approach you want to
take. It seems to me that when we speak of moral disgust, as I said
yesterday, disgust seems related somehow to gustation, the concept
of spitting out something that is poisonous. It obviously is in
the service of safety. So, repugnance is deep in our minds. It is
deeper in some sense, or as deep, as any reason we can come up with.
So, if we try to look at the relationship, just now looking evolutionarily
at the origins of spiritual, religious, and moral awareness, we
would perhaps give greater weight to those things which we cannot
fully articulate. Repugnance, or the so-called yuk factor, is objected
to as a basis of moral thinking by some people, but those same people
usually favor the parallel sub-rational reaction of compassion.
The point is that something informs us deeply by the structures
of our mind, and the circumstance we live in.
Now, to an example of that. Incest is a very interesting subject
with regard to moral awareness. It happens that one of the great
authorities on incest is in the program in human biology I teach
in. Arthur Wolfe(?) has written extensively on this. So, how does
incest work? It turns out, at least according to him, and he is
pretty well accepted, I think, it turns out that if you take a situation
like the kibbutz which was referenced earlier as a situation in
which incest almost works inappropriately in making people not willing
to marry people who are not genetically related to them. You understand,
they grow up together, and then they do not want to marry.
Well, it turns out that in China there is something called minor
marriage, where the bride is selected for the husband-to-be when
they are about two years old, and they grow up together like brother
and sister. It turns out that their marriages do not work out well,
because they have grown up in a context where they are not attracted
to each other. For some reason, there is not the mystery that flows,
that is essential for normal sexual relationships to be compelling,
at least. So, here the structure of natural life informs moral impulse
in the service of the flourishing of life. A minor marriage shows
us how in a natural setting, your natural brother and sister would
not be attractive to you.
Now, there have been times in human history when incest was accepted
culturally. There was a time in Egypt when one-third of marriages
were between brothers and sisters. So, sometimes cultures do override
these things. But for the long view, something sub-rational maybe,
or a combination of rational/sub-rational seems to emerge.
Just one final point on this. Antonio DeMasio(?) has written extensively
on where does our reason come from. He speaks of hot cognition,
reason informed by emotion. He says the mind had to be first about
the body, or it could not be. He speaks of this hot cognition as
meaning we are embodied beings whose reason is not detached from
the meaning of our lives, from the sense of being a someone, from
having a sense of personal biography.
What I want to suggest is that the very structure of natural life
is what places that reality in its-- It is such a hard problem,
because we know that nature is not perfect. We know that medicine
and human freedom has a role in what you might call healing, remediation,
hacuna lum(?), or whatever that phrase is in Hebrew, where the healing
of the world is part of our mandate of freedom. But if we move off
of the context of our natural flourishing, we are liable to lose
the grounding of our moral instincts.
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Thank you. Look, we should take a break. I want to try to pull a
thread or two together on this subject, because we are going to
move explicitly to the policy question without interruption.
From here, I thought this was really a very rich discussion, and
lots of very, I think, relevant and interesting things were said,
including the resistance to taking up the topic directly, because
one learns something from that. If I am not misunderstanding the
sense of the discussion, there is some feeling that one ought not
to simply be dismissive of these other arguments in favor of reproductive
cloning, and that they ought to be taken seriously, and the best
case be made for them, but that we ought to have the responsibility
of addressing them and analyzing them, that there is not a lot of
enthusiasm around the room on moral grounds. I am not talking about
legal or policy grounds, however to say that even those exceptional
cases are fully somehow justified or override these other matters,
and with respect to how to present the case against reproductive
cloning insofar as we want to do that, we are exhorted not to simply
override or distrust this inarticulate, sub-rational, instinctive,
I do not know, intuitive sense, but that we do have some kind of
an obligation to try to articulate it as best we can, and that mindful
of the fact that at the end maybe it is as Charles says, there are
half a dozen reasons. In this field, you do not have syllogisms,
syllogistic proofs. You are only going to have plausible argumentation
in any case. Some of those arguments are going to appeal to some
people, some will appeal to others, but that we do ourselves a service
if we try to develop the best of those arguments as we can, at least
for ourselves, and to see how it goes further.
So, this is with a view to the next time we return to this topic.
I would like to ask people who have spoken to develop their thoughts
if they can, to submit them by e-mail, share them around. I think
I also hear implied in this that while we have had an initial kind
of presentation on the one hand, on the other it would be useful
sometime down the road to weave together these two papers in the
kind of way in which you have a kind of dialectic consideration
in which points made by one side are then addressed side by side,
so that we have a better chance of seeing where the argument turns
out. So that people will submit things on the points that they have
either made, or that on reflection they think are important that
no one has made, or that someone else has made badly, but that we
will strive to amend these papers, to develop them further so that
they will be the basis for the next discussion on the moral question
of reproductive cloning.
If there is anybody here who is an enthusiast for this, and has
been too shy, feeling that we have not provided a hospitable climate,
or if you think-- What we also, I think, should do, if there is
not an exponent of reproductive cloning here, is to try to find
in the existing literature-- We do not have to reinvent the wheel;
there are arguments out there. We will find that literature, we
will circulate it so that all of us are familiar with it.
PROF. SANDEL:
Or maybe find Frank's friend.
(Laughter.)
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Is that all right with respect to procedure on this? Let's take
until 10:30 and reconvene.
DR. WILSON:
You said their e-mail address. Do we have that?
CHAIRMAN KASS:
Oh, yes. The e-mail addresses will be waiting for you when you get
home, a full roster of everybody here with their addresses.
(Whereupon a brief recess was taken.)
SESSION 6: HUMAN CLONING 3: POLICY ISSUES
AND RESEARCH CLONING
DISCUSSION OF CLONING
WORKING PAPER #4
CHAIRMAN KASS:
All right. We come to the last of the cloning sessions, and the
last session before the public comment session, and this is a session
devoted to policy considerations. Again, the working paper has been
prepared not because it represents any even tentative view of this
Council, but to stimulate discussion.
There are lots of policy options for any of the matters that might
come to our attention, and it would be very nice if one could have
a de novo discussion of it. But once one embarked on the discussion
of cloning, we discover that we do not start de novo, but we start
in a world in which the policy discussion has been framed for us
by legislative options. And it would be irresponsible of us to pretend
that that was not the case, and therefore, in this case, even if
this might be the unique case, we come at the policy questions in
the light of the question of legislation. I think Frank Fukuyama
said yesterday, and I agree with him, legislative bans are if ever
useful, going to be rarely useful in these complicated areas. So,
this might be an exception, but here we are.
I would like to divide this session into two parts as the working
paper has divided it. First, to look at the major legislative alternatives,
and then, an initial discussion of research or therapeutic cloning,
some scientific, moral, and policy que